Entries in wind siting council (34)
8/18/10 What does the Final report from the wind siting council say? What are the new wind siting rules for Wisconsin?The noise heard 'round the world: Wind turbines in the news
THE RULES FOR WISCONSIN ARE HERE:
Click here to download the text of the new wind siting rules released today.
The rules are now in the hands of the three PSC commissioners who will decide on the final version of the rules in a few weeks.
WIND TURBINES IN THE NEWS:
Blown in the Wind
Aug. 16, 2010
They like everything big in Texas, and wind energy is no exception. Texas has more wind generation capacity than any other state, about 9,700 megawatts. (That's nearly as much installed wind capacity as India.) Texas residential ratepayers are now paying about $4 more per month on their electric bills in order to fund some 2,300 miles of new transmission lines to carry wind-generated electricity from rural areas to the state's urban centers.
It's time for those customers to ask for a refund. The reason: When it gets hot in Texas—and it's darn hot in the Lone Star State in the summer—the state's ratepayers can't count on that wind energy. On Aug. 4, at about 5 p.m., electricity demand in Texas hit a record: 63,594 megawatts. But according to the state's grid operator, the Electric Reliability Council of Texas, the state's wind turbines provided only about 500 megawatts of power when demand was peaking and the value of electricity was at its highest.
Put another way, only about 5 percent of the state's installed wind capacity was available when Texans needed it most. Texans may brag about the size of their wind sector, but for all of that hot air, the wind business could only provide about 0.8 percent of the state's electricity needs when demand was peaking.
Why does Texas get so little juice from the wind when it really needs it? Well, one of the reasons Texas gets so hot in the summer is that the wind isn't blowing. Pressure gradients—differences in air pressure between two locations in the atmosphere—are largely responsible for the speed of the wind near the Earth's surface. The greater the differences in pressure, the harder the wind blows. During times of extreme heat these pressure gradients often are minimal. The result: wind turbines that don't turn.
Lest you think the generation numbers from Aug. 4 are an aberration, ERCOT has long discounted wind energy's capabilities. In 2007, ERCOT determined that just "8.7 percent of the installed wind capability can be counted on as dependable capacity during the peak demand period for the next year." And in 2009, the grid operator reiterated that it could depend on only 8.7 percent of Texas' wind capacity.
The incurable variability of wind is not restricted to Texas. Consider the problems with wind energy during the frigid weather that hit Britain last winter. In January, the Daily Telegraph reported that the cold weather was accompanied by "a lack of wind, which meant that only 0.2 [percent] of a possible 5 [percent] of the UK's" electricity was generated by wind over the preceding few days.
Understanding wind's unreliability is critically important now, at a time when America's basic infrastructure is crumbling and in desperate need of new investment. In June, the Government Accountability Office issued a report that said that "communities will need hundreds of billions of dollars in coming years to construct and upgrade wastewater infrastructure." Add in the need for new spending on roads, dams, bridges, pipelines, and mass transit systems, and it quickly becomes clear that politicians' infatuation with wind energy is diverting money away from projects that are more deserving and far more important to the general public.
Imagine a company proposed to construct a bridge in Minneapolis, or some other major city, that would cost, say, $250 million. The road would be designed to carry thousands of cars per day. But there's a catch: During rush hour, the thoroughfare would effectively be closed, with only 5 percent, or maybe 10 percent, of its capacity available to motorists. Were this scenario to actually occur, the public outrage would be quick and ferocious.
That's exactly the issue we are facing with wind energy. The reality is that towering wind turbines—for all their allure to certain political groups—are simply supernumeraries in our sprawling electricity delivery system. They do not, cannot, replace coal-fired, gas-fired, or (my personal favorite) nuclear power plants.
Despite these facts, wind-energy lobbyists have been wildly successful at convincing the public and—more importantly—politicians, that wind energy is the way of the future. More than 30 states now have rules that will require dramatic increases in renewable electricity production over the coming years. And wind must provide most of that production, since it's the only renewable source that can rapidly scale up to meet the requirements of the mandate.
The problems posed by the intermittency of wind could quickly be cured if only we had an ultra-cheap method of storing large quantities of energy. If only. The problem of large-scale energy storage has bedeviled inventors for centuries. Even the best modern batteries are too bulky, too expensive, and too finicky. Other solutions for energy storage like compressed-air energy storage and pumped water storage are viable, but like batteries, those technologies are expensive. And even if the cost of energy storage falls dramatically—thereby making wind energy truly viable—who will pay for it?
An unbiased analysis of wind energy's high costs and flaccid contribution to our electricity needs is essential in this time of economic constraint. Despite the dismal economic news, despite the fact that the wind-energy sector, through the $0.022 per-kilowatt-hour production tax credit, gets subsidies of about $6.40 per million Btu of energy produced—an amount that, according to the Energy Information Administration, is about 200 times the subsidy received by the oil and gas sector—wind-energy lobbyists are calling for yet more mandates. On July 27, the American Wind Energy Association issued a press release urging a federal mandate for renewable electricity and lamenting the fact that new wind-energy installations had fallen dramatically during the second quarter compared to 2008 and 2009. The lobby group's CEO, Denise Bode, declared that the "U.S. wind industry is in distress."
Good. Glad to hear it. It's high time we quit blowing so much money on the wind.
REVISIT NOISE STANDARDS
Noise standards paving the way for billion-dollar wind-farm developments across the country are biased and should be ripped up, academics say.
“One can only come to the conclusion that the concept is mainly a business promotion and public relations exercise which has been devised to appear to be taking into consideration the health and welfare of local residents but is designed to get the most out of the investment for the cheapest outlay, without causing the community to take serious legal action against the developer and territorial authority,”
- Philip Dickinson, Massey University acoustics professor who says the wind turbine noise standard, and those elsewhere in the world, appeared to be based on “scientific nonsense”.
SOURCE: The Press News , August 18, 2010 READ COMPLETE STORY BY CLICKING HERE

8/11/10 DOUBLE FEATURE: Sleepless in Wisconsin: New rules bring joy to wind industry but won't protect residents from wind turbine noise, shadow flicker, or loss of property value AND Wisconsin looks in the mirror and sees Maine: How the governor and wind industry worked together to take away local control and change the law in both states.
WIND POWER COUNCIL SUBMITS RECOMMENDATIONS
MADISON (WKOW) - Hoping to build on Wisconsin's existing wind farms, a volunteer council appointed by the Public Service Commission proposed uniform regulations for new wind farms across the state.
"Businesses were looking upon Wisconsin as a difficult place to try to establish wind farms," Peter Taglia, staff scientist at Clean Wisconsin, said. "We had a patchwork of local regulations that had stopped many wind farms and also created a lot of division within communities."
The proposed rules would ban developers from putting a wind turbine within 1.1 times its height of the nearest property line. It also can't be louder than 45 decibels at night and 50 decibels during the day, as measured from the nearest property line. And for large wind farms, the total hours of "shadow flicker" cannot exceed 40 per year.
"We laid out a proposal for regulating the permitting of wind projects - large, medium, and small - and hopefully the commission will respect the incredible amount of work that the council put into this process," says Michael Vickerman, executive director of Renew Wisconsin, a member of the council.
The 15-member Wind Siting Council met 20 times beginning March 2010 and came to consensus on a number of issues, including signal interference, complaint resolution, decommissioning of wind farms and emergency procedures.
However, four members issued a minority report which differs on other areas, such as property line setbacks.
"Property values will be negatively impacted by 20 to 40 percent," Tom Meyer, a council member who works as a Middleton Realtor, said.
Meyer said Realtors recommend a minimum setback of at least 2,000 feet, but preferably a half-mile.
"That way you eliminate that intrusive shadow flicker and you eliminate that noise which is produced by a wind turbine," he said.
The recommendations now go to the PSC, which will publish its rules within 60 days. The PSC has held three public hearings on the matter throughout the state.
CLICK ON THE IMAGES BELOW TO WATCH SHORT CLIPS OF THE WIND SITING COUNCIL IN ACTION
SECOND FEATURE
Wisconsin looks in the mirror and sees the state of Maine
The law “signals to the world that Wisconsin is in the wind business, and that we intend to be one of the leading states in production of wind energy.”
-Governor Jim Doyle
“It will be wave after wave of wind power projects coming to Maine because they will see what we can do and will come here because of it."
-Governor John Baldacci
Task force had mandate to promote wind power, not study it
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AUGUSTA, Maine — Gov. John Baldacci established the Governor's Task Force on Wind Power Development by executive order on May 8, 2007 with the expectation it would make Maine a leader in the wind power industry.
Baldacci’s timing was perfect:
- The day before, a CNN story had reported that the price of gas “has hit a new record high, averaging $3.07 for a gallon of self-serve regular in the United States.”
- Climate change was in the news almost daily.
- Developers and environmentalists had just fought a battle in western Maine over construction of a huge wind power project, ending in defeat for the project.
That battle demonstrated a significant failing in state law: Maine’s tangle of environmental regulations simply didn’t include tools or standards appropriate for considering the placement of 400-foot-plus turbines smack in the middle of some of the state’s wildest lands.
A look at Maine's wind act
This is part two on a three-part series looking at wind energy in Maine and the laws surrounding it.- Part 1: How a task force put wind power on the fast track, and how some are now questioning the goals they themselves helped set.
- Examining the changes in rules recommended by the task force and the resulting law.
- A new law and its effects on wind power development.
There were different rules at different agencies for different parts of the state, projects took years to review, and the outcome of those reviews was far from predictable.
“Our energy system was broken,” said Pete Didisheim of the Natural Resources Council of Maine. “We felt the permitting process for wind power was also broken, it was unpredictable for all participants.”
Furthermore, wind power promoters believed Maine had an historic opportunity: to provide the renewable resource to help meet the substantial new regional mandates to reduce the use of energy sources that contributed to global warming. Those mandates, which one study estimated would require 11,000 megawatts of wind power (at the time the task force conducted its study, Maine was host to only 42 megawatts of wind power), created a major new market for renewable power, converged with government subsidies and market premiums to create an enticing economic development opportunity, they said — but needed to be capitalized on immediately.
While other states in the region were also considering incentives to promote wind power development, Maine had an advantage over them: More developable wind resources than all the other New England states combined. And that wind was located in areas that didn’t have high populations, unlike many other states in the region.
Baldacci gave the task force its mandate:
- To make Maine a leader in wind power development;
- To protect Maine’s quality of place and natural resources; and
- To maximize the tangible benefits Maine people receive from wind power development.
In other words, said Rep. Stacey Fitts, a Pittsfield Republican on the task force, their mandate was to “find areas that are appropriate and find ways that it can be done rather than ways to keep it from being done.”
There was never a mandate for the task force to examine the relative merits of wind power development in Maine. Instead, members started from the assumption that wind power should be developed in Maine, and the sooner, the better.
“We felt we were in somewhat of a race with other states and Canadian providers” to build wind energy generation, said Sen. Phil Bartlett, D-Gorham, a task force member and co-chairman of the Legislature’s Utilities and Energy Committee.
Connections: Wind industry and the wind act
The policy that eventually became the Maine Wind Energy Act of 2008 was the product of several public groups and included crucial input from public agencies. There were a number of cases where people from those groups and agencies were either connected to the wind industry or would soon be connected to the wind industry:
Gov. John Baldacci’s Wind Power Task Force
- Dave Wilby: At the time he was on the task force, Wilby worked for the Independent Energy Producers of Maine. He subsequently went to work for wind power developer First Wind.
- Juliet Browne: An attorney at Verrill Dana who heads the Portland law firm’s environmental practice, Browne has guided wind power developer First Wind and TransCanada through the state’s regulatory system. She is married to Rep. Jon Hinck, D-Portland, who at the time was co-chairman of the Legislature’s Utilities and Energy Committee, which unanimously approved the wind power legislation based on the task force’s report.
- Milton McBreairty: He was business manager for the electrical workers’ union while on the task force. McBreairty subsequently went to work as director, renewable energies for electrical contractor Larkin Enterprises, which had the contract for electrical power and grounding installations at TransCanada’s Kibby wind farm.
- Patrick McGowan: The Department of Conservation commissioner, who left that position to run for governor, had been at the center of a significant controversy over his advocacy for a wind power project while he was commissioner. That’s when he contacted Land Use Regulation Commission member Ed Laverty, in the middle of the commission’s deliberations over the controversial Redington-Black Nubble wind power project, to ask, as Laverty reported, “if I would poll the other commissioners to determine if there was a way to get the majority to vote for the proposed project. I told him as this was an ongoing regulatory process, I felt for me to do so might be improper.” While an investigation by the attorney general’s office determined McGowan’s intervention had not risen to the level of illegal “ex parte” communication, he was required to undergo training on proper procedure by staff in the attorney general’s office.
Legislature’s Utilities and Energy Committee
- Jon Hinck: Co-chairman of the committee, the Portland Democrat is married to Juliet Browne, who was on the governor’s wind power task force and is the leading attorney for wind power interests in the state. Anti-wind-power activists charged that Hinck had a conflict of interest in considering legislation that his wife’s clients would benefit from, and that criticism eventually led him to request a ruling by the state Commission on Governmental Ethics whether he was prohibited by Maine law from participating in deliberations and votes on wind power legislation. The commission ruled he was not.
Public Utilities Commission
- Kurt Adams: When the governor’s task force was doing its work, Adams was head of the state’s Public Utilities Commission, although he had already had communication with wind developer First Wind about possibly going to work for them. In their report, task force members wrote “PUC Chairman Kurt Adams and agency counsel Mitch Tannenbaum, and DEP Commissioner and Task Force member David Littell were particularly helpful to the Task Force in developing and presenting information regarding the regional energy system, electric transmission, the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative, and other renewable energy policy issues as they relate to wind power.”
Adams left the PUC to take a high-level position with First Wind in May, 2008; in April, he had received 1.2 million units of equity in First Wind — akin to stock options — while he was still at the PUC. An investigation by Attorney General Janet Mills determined Adams had done nothing wrong.
Questionable goal
Baldacci’s executive order establishing the task force stated that, “Maine energy policy seeks to promote the development and use of renewable energy sources to help reduce Maine’s dependence on imported fossil fuels.”
The dominant fuel used to generate electricity in Maine is an imported fossil fuel — natural gas from Canada. And wind power could make a small dent in how much natural gas Maine uses for electricity generation.
But Baldacci’s statement about dependence on imported fossil fuels — and many others he made both before and subsequently, including one reference to the “tyranny of foreign oil,” one reference to the need to “free ourselves from foreign oil” and two references to Maine’s “dependency on oil” in his final State of the State address — implicitly tied wind energy production to the goal of reducing the use of foreign oil, with its volatile prices as well as its documented contribution to climate change.
Yet using wind energy doesn’t lower dependence on imported foreign oil. That’s because the majority of imported oil in Maine is used for heating and transportation.
“Maine uses very little oil to produce electricity,” said Mark Isaacson, a dam owner, a founding member of the industry group Independent Energy Producers of Maine and the developer of a relatively small commercial wind farm in Freedom, Maine.
John Kerry, the governor’s energy czar and a member of the task force, acknowledged that oil is used to fuel vehicles and to warm Maine buildings.
“Today we don’t use electricity to run our cars or heat our homes,” said Kerry in a recent interview.
And switching our dependence from foreign oil to Maine-produced electricity isn’t likely to happen very soon, said Bartlett. “Right now, people can’t switch to electric cars and heating — if they did, we’d be in trouble.”
So was one of the fundamental premises of the task force false, or at least misleading?
Kerry, the governor’s energy czar, defends his boss’s premise: “In the future, many people have proposed that we use our electricity to heat our homes and power our cars.”
There were other claims Baldacci made at the time about wind power’s advantages that, similarly, have been challenged.
In a critique published by the Maine Center for Economic Policy in late 2008, state Sen. Peter Mills, R-Cornville, argued that after the initial construction spending, the wind energy industry would not provide widespread economic benefit for the state or long-term job creation, as Baldacci asserted when he established the task force.
“Because it takes remarkably little effort to maintain a turbine, there are few permanent jobs created by a wind power project,” writes Mills. In a subsequent interview, Mills pointed to the relatively few jobs created by the Kibby Mountain wind power development. “There are 11 people in ongoing jobs,” he said, “not 111.”
Likewise, while taxes paid on wind power installations have been locally beneficial, they are not broadly shared across Maine.
“The tax benefit has not been available to Maine people generally,” said Mills in the interview. The duration of any tax benefit is also limited, said Mills, because the turbines have a 20-year life-span and depreciate in value over that period.
Furthermore, the unorganized territory, or UT, where many of the large installations have been built, “already has the lowest tax rates in Maine,” Mills wrote in his critique. “(A)nd wind power could reduce them by a third more.
“But the benefit will accrue primarily to those who own land in the UT, the large out-of-state owners like Irving, Wagner and Plum Creek who already benefit from the special ‘tree growth’ tax treatment … and who stand to gain substantially from leasing their ridge tops to the wind developers.”
Task force favored it
There were 16 members on the task force: several members of the Baldacci administration; a wind power attorney; two staff from state environmental groups (with a third acting as an alternate); Democratic and Republican lawmakers; a union member and a representative of the Independent Energy Producers of Maine. The chairman was Alec Giffen, director of the Maine Forest Service.
All members of the task force publicly favored wind power development, although the environmental groups had each opposed specific wind power projects in the past. The environmental groups’ battle against the Redington wind project in western Maine, close to the Appalachian Trail, had recently ended with Redington’s rejection by the Land Use Regulation Commission. While they won the fight to reject Redington, the groups were chastened by accusations of being insufficiently concerned with stemming global warming.
Did the criticism leveled at the environmental members of the task force make them more eager to demonstrate their support for wind power?
“I think we did start with an assumption that wind power development was going to take place in Maine,” said David Publicover, a forestry specialist with the Appalachian Mountain Club. “We never really engaged in an argument as to whether there should be wind power development in Maine.”
What changed
The task force proposed that the Legislature make significant changes to state law:
- Eliminate certain scenic and zoning standards that were a barrier to placing wind turbines in the landscape;
- Streamline and expedite consideration of construction proposals;
- Eliminate a layer of legal appeal in wind power projects;
- Set aggressive goals for wind power production over the next dozen years — 2,000 megawatts of wind power capacity by 2015 and at least 3,000 megawatts by 2020, of which 300 should be built offshore. (The state today has 111 turbines representing 265 megawatts of installed wind power, with 161 megawatts in line to begin production.)
- Guide wind power development to all of the incorporated towns in the state as well as a significant portion of territory under the jurisdiction of the Land Use Regulation Commission, setting aside areas in the so-called “core” of LURC where development would not occur.
The changes in the scenic and zoning standards, said David Publicover of the AMC, were significant but not hard to agree upon.
“The changes got rid of the requirement that it fit harmoniously into the natural landscape,” said Publicover. “If you used that, you couldn’t have wind power in undeveloped ridgelines, only in Wal-Mart parking lots.”
The changes also allowed wind power to be essentially an allowed use in much of LURC’s jurisdiction.
“Previously wind power had to go through rezoning” in LURC territory in order to be built, said Publicover. “And that had certain criteria, certain hurdles that had to be met that, if you interpreted them with a straight face, you could never allow it and essentially LURC was in the uncomfortable position of having to ignore the actual meaning of their regulations to allow wind power.”
The 2,000 and 3,000 megawatt goals for the state were also not controversial, nor was the substantial amount of wind turbine construction, largely along miles of Maine mountaintops, that would be necessary to reach that goal.
When asked if the task force had discussed the number of turbines that would have to be erected to meet that goal, chairman Giffen said, “Not that I recall.”
Other members of the task force could also not remember any discussion about the number of turbines, although one attendee at meetings, Steve Clark from the Appalachian Trail Conservancy, did present the task force with his estimate that it would take 1,000 to 2,000 turbines to meet the goal.
“There were one or two very brief questions and that was it, they didn’t explore that issue any further,” said Clark.
Next: A new law and its effects on wind power development

7/1/10 Madison, We Have A Problem: Epidemiologist's findings sharply contradict the findings of Wind Siting Council member Dr. Jevon Mc Fadden AND Testimony to the PSC by Representative Zigmunt on Wisconsin renewable alternatives to wind
Click on the image below to hear testimony from an epidemiologist whose conclusion is that improperly sited wind turbines have a negative impact on human health.
This is contrary to the findings of Dr. Jevon McFadden who assured the Wind Siting Council that turbine related health impacts were nothing to be concerned about.
Transcript of this testimony which was given on June 30 at the Public Service Commission of Wisconsin is posted below.
PSC: Please raise your right hand. Do you swear to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth?
Carl V. Phillips: Yes, I do.
PSC: OK, spell your name.
PHILLIPS: Carl V. Phillips, C-A-R-L, initial V as in Vincent- Phillips- P-H-I-double L-I-P-S
PSC: All right, go ahead.
I’m an epidemiologist and policy researcher. I’m specifically expert in how to optimally derive knowledge for decision making from epidemiologic data.
I have a PhD in public policy from Harvard University, and I did a post doctoral fellowship in public health policy and the philosophy of science.
I’ve spent most of my career as a professor of public health and medicine, most recently at the University of Alberta and I currently direct an independent research institute.
I reviewed the literature on health effects of wind turbines on local residents, including the reports that have been prepared by industry consultants and the references therein, and I have reached the following conclusions which I present in detail in a written report that I believe will be submitted [to the commission].
First, there is ample evidence that some people suffer a collection of health problems, including insomnia, anxiety, loss of concentration, general psychological distress, as a result of being exposed to turbines near their home.
The type of studies that have been done are not adequate to estimate what portion of the population is susceptible to the effect, the magnitude of the effects, or exactly how much exposure is needed before the risks become substantial, but all of these could be determined with fairly simple additional research.
What is clear is there is a problem of some magnitude. The evidence may or may not be enough to meet the burden of a tort claim about a specific disease, but in my opinion it’s clearly enough to suggest that our public policy should not just be to blindly move forward without more knowledge.
The best evidence we have—which has been somewhat downplayed in previous discussion—is what’s known as “case cross-over data,” which is one of the most useful forms of epidemiologic study when both the exposure and the disease are transitory. That is, it’s possible to remove the exposure and see if the disease goes away, then reinstate it and see if the disease recurs, which is exactly the pattern that has been observed for some of the sufferers who physically moved away and sometimes back again.
With that study design in mind, we actually have very substantial amounts of data in a structured form, contrary to some of the claims that have been made. And more data of this nature could easily be gathered if an effort was made.
Moreover, people’s avoidance behavior—their moving from their homes, and so forth—is a clear (what’s called) “revealed preference measure” of their suffering. Such evidence transforms something that might be dismissed as a subjective experience or perhaps even fakery, to an objective observation that someone’s health problems are worth more than the many thousands of dollars they’ve lost trying to escape the exposure.
My second observation . . . is that these health effects that people are suffering are very real. The psychologically mediated diseases that we’ve observed, and in fact overall mental well being, are included in all modern accepted definitions of either individual health or public health. It’s true that they are more difficult to study than certain other diseases, but they probably account for more of the total morbidity burden in the United States than do purely physical diseases. Therefore [they] should not be in any way dismissed.
Third, the reports that I have read that claim there is no evidence that there is a problem seem to be based on a very simplistic understanding of epidemiology and self-serving definitions of what does and what does not count as evidence. I don’t think I can cover too much of this in the available time right now, but I explain it in detail in my report—why these claims, which probably seem convincing to most readers prima facie [at first glance], don’t represent proper scientific reading. Moreover, the conclusions of the reports don’t even match their own analyses. The reports themselves actually concede that there are problems, and then somehow manage to reach the conclusion that there is no evidence that there are problems.
And my final point, as I’ve already alluded to, is it’s quite possible to do the studies it would take to resolve the outstanding questions, and they could actually be done very quickly by studying people who are already exposed.
This isn’t the type of circumstance where we cannot really know more until we move forward and wait for years of additional exposure. The only reason we don’t have better information than we do is that no one with adequate resources has tried to get it.
That’s the conclusion of my points.
HAVE YOU REACHED OUT AND TOUCHED YOUR PSC TODAY?
The PSC is asking for public comment on the recently approved draft siting rules. The deadline for comment is July 7th, 2010.
The setback recommended in this draft is 1250 feet from non-participating homes, 500 feet from property lines.
CLICK HERE and type in docket number 1-AC-231 to read what's been posted so far.
CLICK HERE to leave a comment on the Wind Siting Council Docket

6/30/10 Final Wind Siting Hearing in Madison AND Ramming it through: Is the PSC even listening? AND Brown County Towns asks that more time and care be taken in creating guidelines. Will the PSC's reply be "LOL!" ?
WIND SITING HEARING NOTICE
WEDNESDAY June 30, 2010, beginning at 1:00 p.m and 6:00 p.m.
Docket 1-AC-231
Public Service Commission of Wisconsin
First Floor, Amnicon Falls Room
610 North Whitney Way, Madison, WisconsinAudio and video of the meeting will be broadcast from the PSC Website beginning at 1:00.
CLICK HERE to visit the PSC website, click on the button on the left that says "Live Broadcast". Sometimes the meetings don't begin right on time. The broadcasts begin when the meetings do so keep checking back if you don't hear anything at the appointed start time.
WIND TURBINE DEBATE SPINS TOWARD SEPTEMBER 1 DEADLINE
SOURCE: The Daily Reporter, dailyreporter.com
June 29 2010
By Paul Snyder,
The Public Service Commission of Wisconsin is sticking to a firm Sept. 1 deadline to propose wind turbine placement rules despite calls from local governments to wait.
“We had a very clear mandate to get work done quickly,” PSC Chairman Eric Callisto said Tuesday.
“Expediency is important in order to have uniformity and ground rules in place for future wind development.”
Callisto and other PSC staff members this week are traveling throughout the state to hold public hearings on wind turbine placement draft rules based on recommendations from the state’s Wind Siting Council. The council’s goal is to recommend rules for turbine placement on wind farms that generate less than 100 megawatts of electricity. Wind farms that generate more than 100 megawatts are subject to PSC approval.
The council first met in March, and Callisto said then he expected recommendations by July. The PSC will then use those recommendations to make rules by Sept. 1 for review and approval by state lawmakers.
Still, local governments argue the process is moving too fast.
Representatives from the towns of Morrison, Wrightstown and Glenmore in Brown County last week requested the Wind Siting Council first consider a March report by the World Health Organization relating to health problems caused by wind turbines.
Glen Schwalbach, who submitted the request on behalf of the towns, said further review is more important than a year or two delay in setting the turbine placement rules.
“The fact is: We have newer information now that says there are more health implications than some people have believed relating to noise effects,” said Schwalbach, the town supervisor in Rockland, which neighbors the three towns requesting the review. “It’s not just a case of whining or people imagining things.”
Doug Zweizig, the siting council’s co-chairman, said council members do not know why they have to meet the Sept. 1 deadline. He said he thinks itís a mistake to rush a set of recommendations to the PSC.
Zweizig, a Plan Commission member in the town of Union, said his town took about a year and a half to develop a wind farm ordinance.
“It’s clear that they’re trying to pass something as quickly as possible,” he said. “I think the council could have had a much better process, but it went almost immediately to looking at positions of the various members.”
The majority of the 15-member council, Zweizig said, favors wind development, and members who have experience living on wind farms are not being heard.
Callisto said he wants consensus recommendations but will take the majority’s vote if that’s the best he can get.
“It would hold more weight if it was consensus, but I realize how difficult this is,” he said. “It was not unanimous legislation, either.”
The reason for the Sept. 1 deadline, Callisto said, is so Senate and Assembly committees can review and approve the rules before the legislative session ends. Because the turbine placement recommendations would represent rule changes, they would need to be submitted by Sept. 1 during an election year and only would require approval from legislative committees rather than the full Legislature, Callisto said.
He said he wants the same group of lawmakers that formed the council to review the rule change proposals.
If new wind farm studies come along, Callisto said, and groups such as the Brown County towns want more review, there is room for change.
“I think they’re going to be flexible to accommodate new studies,” he said. “Rules get modified all the time. Nothing’s written in stone.”
NEXT FEATURE
TO: Public Service Commission of Wisconsin
Docket No. 1-AC-231 Draft Chapter 128--Wind Energy Systems
Request by the Towns of Morrison, Wrightstown and Glenmore
Brown County, Wisconsin
June 23, 2010
Issue: Request to delay issuing the PSCW wind siting standards until epidemiological studies of health complaints from Wisconsin`s current wind farms are thoroughly completed.
The towns of Morrison, Wrightstown, and Glenmore in Brown County are very concerned about the mounting evidence that there are serious negative impacts on human and animal health caused by wind turbines. It appears it is not only reasonable to delay the issuance of wind siting standards but it would be irresponsible to not do so in light of new studies and ongoing complaints of residents in and near Wisconsin`s existing wind farms.
In general, scientifically and statistically relevant studies have been limited. But, a very important report was published March 2010 by the World Health Organization (WHO) entitled "Night Noise Guidelines for Europe" (available at euro.who.int/en/what-we-publish/abstracts/night-noise-guidelines-for-europe).
The report is based on a six-year evaluation of scientific evidence by thirty-five scientists from medical and acoustical disciplines. WHO indicated that now governments have justifications to regulate noise exposure at night. WHO sets the limit for annual average exposure to not exceed 40 decibels (dB) outside of a residence.
WHO stated, "Recent research clearly links exposure to night noise with harm to health. Sleep disturbance and annoyance are the first effects of night noise and can lead to mental disorders. Just like air pollution and toxic chemicals, noise is an environmental hazard to health". WHO stated that they hope their new report will prompt governments to invest effort and money in protecting health from this growing hazard.
Our towns ask the PSCW to acquire the WHO report and evaluate its application to setting appropriate sound levels for wind turbines.
The PSCW`s draft rules do not address low frequency noise levels. It is not known whether the WHO report addresses this issue but other studies have described the likely effects. This is another area where epidemiological studies are needed before wind turbine setbacks can be reasonably proposed.
Besides sleep disturbance, there are complaints of other physiological problems. It is not acceptable to ignore or minimize the significance of these impacts as just quirks of human imagination.
Also, there is evidence that existing wind farms in Wisconsin are negatively affecting farm animals. Whether it is noise or some other physical phenomena, studies and testing should be done before setting siting standards.
At a public meeting of the Brown County Health Department and the Brown County Human Services Committee, reputable medical and health experts stressed the importance of epidemiological studies to determine the true nature of health impacts of wind turbines.
The State Board of Health pointed out that the lack of funding is a hurdle. But a conviction to do the right thing should prompt the PSCW to make a case to pursue the money issue with state legislators as well as our U.S. senators and representatives. Certainly, our towns would help in this endeavor. That said, it is even more appropriate for the wind developers and their associations to offer funding for independent studies since such studies should reduce future litigation. Electric utilities should have a stake in this effort as well. This is an opportunity to involve the University of Wisconsin research capabilities in both human health and animal health.
It appears that Act 40 does not set a deadline for completing the siting rules. This week a state senator who was one of the leaders in passing the wind siting law agreed that studies should be done to be sure the rules are adequate. If one or two years were used to study the existing wind farms while delaying any new installations, the developers would still have time to help utilities meet their 15% RPS by 2015. Again, if needed, our towns would help in getting the support of legislators.
Our towns implore the PSCW and the Wind Siting Council to not ignore the evidence of potentially serious health impacts and to not set standards until they have done the obvious and reasonable step of studying the health impacts of existing wind turbine installations in Wisconsin. Professional ethics demands no less. We believe our request aligns with the PSCW`s responsibility to protect the citizens of Wisconsin.
Submitted for the towns by Glen R. Schwalbach, P.E.
